Last November, this magazine speculated on what the forthcoming federal election campaign might mean for the Atlantic Canada fishing industry.
The Navigator put forth several parameters that could be used as a measuring stick for the approach the governing Tories might be taking toward potential voters in this region — particularly those that depend on the fishery for their livelihood.
The first contentious issue involved the changes to temporary foreign workers’ legislation.
For months, the fishing industry, notably those involved in the processing sector, said the tightening of the rules involving the number of temporary foreign workers that can be employed here was going to deal a major blow to fish plants in the region through employee shortages.
Fish processors have been almost unanimous in their objection of the new rules that limit the number of foreign workers they can hire to help operate their plants — potentially hurting production quotas and overall profitability.
The newly formed Maritime Seafood Coalition, which is made up of fish processors and fishermen’s associations from all three Maritime Provinces, said the seafood industry needs regulations in place similar to agriculture, or it will continue to decline.
“The Maritime Seafood Coalition supports, 100 per cent, hiring every Canadian willing to work, but the overhaul of the temporary foreign worker program unfairly singled out seafood from the seasonal agricultural/agrifood workers program. Since these changes, many fisheries workers have seen their visas expire and have been forced to return home,” stated the coalition in a recent press release.
In advance of this year’s federal election, the group said the government, in collaboration with the seafood industry, must develop and adopt a practical labour migration strategy. “Given our short seasons and the resource dependency of our coastal communities, lost opportunities are simply unacceptable.”
But despite the constant, collective pleas from this area, the federal government has not relented and has simply ordered fish processors to pay more attractive wages and they will find the workers they need. This does not sound like an administration worried about obtaining Atlantic Canadian processors’ votes.
Then there is the much-maligned, ongoing war of words between Ottawa and the Newfoundland and Labrador government over the joint federal/provincial $400-million fund tied to the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union.
The most recent salvo saw the provincial government declare it will not drop minimum processing requirements (MPRs) to comply with the Canada-Europe free trade deal.
Newfoundland Business, Tourism, Culture and Rural Development Minister Darin King said “The federal government shows no signs of living up to its commitment to the agreed $400-million fisheries renewal fund. Despite sustained effort on the province’s part, the federal government remains unprepared to enter into meaningful discussions to implement the agreement we reached.”
Despite the efforts of Newfoundland and Labrador to apply pressure to the federal government by potentially holding up the multi-billion dollar free trade agreement, Ottawa has yet to blink and is remaining defiant on this file.
Speaking of defiant, the federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans is also sticking to its guns on another piece of controversial fisheries legislation, the Last In, First Out (LIFO) policy. Despite an all-party approach from the Newfoundland and Labrador Legislature, federal Fisheries Minister Gail Shea is holding the line on this policy.
The official LIFO party line from Ottawa continues to be; “The Last In, First Out policy, known as LIFO, was introduced in 1997 after significant consultation and has been included in every Northern shrimp fisheries management plan for more than 10 years. It has been consistently communicated to stakeholders that should there be a decline in the abundance of the resource, new participants/allocations would be reduced or removed from the fishery in reverse order of gaining access — last in, first out. LIFO was also reviewed by a third-party independent reviewer in 2012 who confirmed that the Department was appropriately applying the policy when required in a fair and transparent manner.”
Speaking of DFO, earlier this year, it actually did back away from proposed further cuts to the northern shrimp quotas and signed off on a 2015 rollover.
At last, signs of a ‘softening’ from Ottawa to the fishing industry in this region?
It depends on who you ask.
A few months after the shrimp quota rollover, DFO announced a 20 per cent increase in the total allowable catch of Atlantic halibut in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The regional catch for the valuable fish would go from 864 tonnes in 2014 to 1,036.8 tonnes for 2015 and 2016 — with Newfoundland and Labrador’s expected quota increase being redirected to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, P.E.I. and Quebec.
Under the allocation formula that has existed in the Gulf for some time, Newfoundland and Labrador should have received a total increase of about 50 tonnes, while the other seven regional fleets would receive smaller shares. Instead, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans decided to split the increase down the middle between the eight fleets. That means Newfoundland and Labrador only got an increase of 22 tonnes, bringing its total to about 254 tonnes. Meanwhile, P.E.I. will see its allowable catch go from 24 tonnes to 46 tonnes, almost doubling.
During a press conference called to condemn the move, Keith Sullivan, president of the St. John’s-based Fish, Food and Allied Workers union (FFAW), outright accused the federal government of buying votes with fish.
The most recent pre-election ‘message’ being directed this way from the federal Conservative party comes way of high-profile Newfoundland lawyer Ches Crosbie — who just happens to be the son of former Tory heavyweight John Crosbie.
Months earlier, the younger Crosbie attempted to follow in his father’s footsteps by announcing his intention to seek the Conservative nomination in the federal riding of Avalon — and was uncontested in the process.
The Tories appeared to have a star candidate in this troubled riding.
However heads turned recently when Ches Crosbie was informed by party officials that he wasn’t the type of candidate the party is looking for to run in the Newfoundland and Labrador riding of Avalon.
The elder Crosbie stated that this move was an obvious ploy to ensure there would be no Tory members of Parliament from Newfoundland and Labrador.
“They want to help themselves be influential in all Newfoundland affairs so they can dictate to us down here in Newfoundland what the federal attitude is,” he told the CBC.
There are still a few months to go before the October 19 election day, but those involved with the fishery in Atlantic Canada should probably not hold their collective breaths waiting for many campaign promises or resolutions to disseminate down this way from the governing party in Ottawa.
